Stocqueler (pseud. This observation must be borne in mind throughout the perusal of Clausewitz's History."(*24). and his praise of Clausewitz and that it ushered in a period of intensified Lieutenant-Colonel Charles C. Chesney, R.E., "The Study of Military Science in Time of Peace," Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, v.XV, no.LXII, 1871. Peter Paret, "`A Proposition not a Solution'—Clausewitz's Attempt to Become Prussian Minister at the Court of St. James," Understanding War: Essays on Clausewitz and the History of Military Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 178-190. in this period, and important elements of his theoretical argument became Nickerson, 1845), e.g., I, xxii-xxiii; III, 164, 190, 220-221, 281, 331; "The Vulnerability of Russia," United Service Gazette, 3 June, 1854, 4. Nonetheless, the most vociferous British military reformers of the interwar era, Fuller and Liddell Hart, were both very much aware of Clausewitz and to some degree influenced by him; Fuller eventually acknowledged this and became a … He had read On War (albeit in French) and evidently had drawn a great deal from it, chiefly in the area of critical analysis. US • UK • France • Germany, "Following out the maxims of Clausewitz, as propounded in his warlike philosophy, they have subdivided their responsibility out so completely in time of peace, that when war comes all they have to say by telegraph is "War is declared! Strachan also sees Mitchell as strategically unsophisticated, largely because of the latter's contemptuous attitude toward Napoleon. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945: Bassford, Professor of National Security Affairs and Director of Studies in the Theory and Nature of War Christopher: Amazon.nl He succeeded Edward B. Hamley, the author of a highly Jominian treatise on war. He found Clausewitz's approach refreshing, but he grasped it only in part: He had accepted Clausewitz's pedagogical ideas but not their deeper historicist basis. during the 1860s, even before the German military model achieved preeminence 2. It is discussed in Francis Egerton, ed. On War, was unfinished at his death. were clearly more influential. It best relates to his emphasis on the specific: if events are so dependent on individual actions, individual actors must be given the responsibility and freedom to take positive action at all levels. Historians and commentators were not necessary.... We find the historians of all nations, not excepting ... the British, too ready to criticize the acts and operations not only of their own Generals and armies, but likewise of those of the best friends and allies of their nation, and even of those acting in co-operation with its armies. (London: G.W. Unfortunately for this supposition, his 1855 edition of Bismark's cavalry manual, revised with a great deal of material from as late as the Crimean War and heavily footnoted with references to Jomini, Archibald Alison, and the Archduke Charles, makes no reference to Clausewitz. In this role he was probably a valuable pressure valve for the duke, who took great pains in his own signed works never to cause offense. His most notable work, Vom Kriege transl. John Mitchell, The Fall of Napoleon, 3 vols. And yet it is exactly after the mechanical arts, that men have attempted to model the art of war. His overall reform argument, on the other hand, was based on a moral and psychological perception that far transcended mere tactics. Francis Egerton, The Sieges of Vienna by the Turks, 1847; Francis Egerton, National Defences; Letters of Lord Ellesmere, 1848; Unsigned [Wilhelm Meyer, 1797-1877], trans. (*13) It is an interesting document not only because it refers to Clausewitz but also because it is the only personal response that Wellington ever made to any of the many studies of that famous battle. Clausewitz, in contrast, explicitly Wellington turned over the manuscript to Colonel John Gurwood (his literary assistant) and Lord Ellesmere, directing that they check the translation before he read it. influence is difficult to trace beyond the occasional quotation from or As a result, elements of Clausewitz's thinking were incorporated into most subsequent English-language military writing, but often in incoherent bits and pieces that were often themselves misunderstood or distorted, and in many cases not associated with … One motive may have been his concern about resurrecting "certain dishonourable incidents" involving British officers. (*1) Clausewitz actually visited England in 1818. His key observation, however, was that "Lord Wellington had never personally commanded against Bonaparte and perhaps therefore he was not sufficiently aware that the lightning bolt of a major battle would be forced on him" by the emperor, who always sought thus to reach a decision.(*18). He had spent time as a youth in the Royal Navy, served as attaché at Vienna, and fought in the Austrian army at Austerlitz. by contemporary events at all, nor was its publication the cause or result Writers in this field have sought--and failed--to find 44. 8. 22. Mitchell's three-volume The Fall of Napoleon (1845) also made many respectful if sometimes puzzled references to Clausewitz, drawing on both Vom Kriege and the campaign studies of 1812, 1814, and 1815. 42. His disciples will deliberately avoid the wide Napoleonic manoeuvres; they will seek neither to prepare turning movements from afar, nor to combine their marches skillfully so as to … Survey," World Politics, v.XVII (1965), no.2; Harsh, "Battlesword Egerton's vociferous attacks on Alison, concerning his discussion of Waterloo, were made with the Duke's "approbation and assistance." 1. (*32) Vom Kriege, however, was translated into French in 1849-51 by a Belgian artillery officer named Jean Baptiste Charles François Neuens. Clausewitz may in fact have penetrated both the British and American navies long before he became well known in the U.S. Army. Its relationship to Clausewitz's ideas is subtle. Mitchell never explicitly discussed Clausewitz in terms of the relationship of war to policy and politics, but he did bring up both the intimate connection between Britain's military weaknesses and its constitution and the requirement that the British army remain utterly apolitical. Clausewitz in English : the Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945.. [Christopher Bassford] He accepted as well Clausewitz's rejection of theories rooted in mathematical calculation, his portrayal of war as a game of chance, and his insistence on the role of personal experience in understanding military theory. They had met the first French assault, and later, after Wellington's defensive action, they had exploited his victory by conducting the pursuit. 7: "Der Feldzug von 1812 in Russland," Berlin, 1835. His writing first appeared in English in 1815, in The Life and Campaigns of Field-Marshal Prince Blücher. matter) were in any sense "Clausewitzians" or to make any sweeping claims Need to translate "CLAUSEWITZ" from german and use correctly in a sentence? 15. Alice, Countess of Strafford, Personal Reminiscences of the Duke of Wellington by Francis, the First Earl of Ellesmere (London: John Murray, 1904), 90. Read honest and … We cannot know what subtle, perhaps unconscious lessons Duparcq and others took from reading Clausewitz themselves,(*37) but their published comments would have helped shape the general perception of a military audience that was aware of his reputation but not his message. for the influence of Clausewitz's theories. 1843 translation of Campaign of 1812 in Russia. 5. Chesney continued to use Clausewitz in his lectures after leaving Camberley in 1868. 17. Charles de Clausewitz, trans. Wellington's good friend Francis Egerton was, however, the anonymous translator of Clausewitz's Campaign of 1812 in Russia, which was published by John Murray in 1843. These works were by no means devoid of their author's more Part of this discussion is technical, involving the disposition of the Anglo-Dutch and Prussian armies and the order of battle. introduced the title On War, was prepared by J.J. Graham in 1873"; If so, those of his students who remained awake—Chesney's reputation as a lecturer was excellent, but that of his students as students was not—would have become familiar with the Prussian writer's name and significance in Germany, as he cited Clausewitz's Feldzug von 1815 at least thirty times. and which has been the focus of much recent writing on Clausewitz, is At least two of his historical works were read, in English, within the highest circles of the small British military community in the 1840s. abstract theoretical views. Esp. He believed in the dominance of shock over firepower, emphasizing the arme blanche of the cavalry. I have been unable to locate Graham's or Trübner's papers. 13. theoretical, were discussed at the British army's Staff College at Camberley As for the appearance of an English translation of On War in 1873, Find helpful customer reviews and review ratings for Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz In Britain and America 1815-1 at Amazon.com. Chesney's concern was the essence of what we have lately come to call Auftragstaktik,(*46) which became a major focus of British military reformers in the period following the South African War of 1899-1902 and of American reformers following the Vietnam War. 12. He drew heavily on Clausewitz's campaign study (among many other works) and also discussed its writer's importance in Germany. Clausewitz's desire for decisive battle did not, in this case, accord with the political aims of the alliance. Find helpful customer reviews and review ratings for Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America 1815-1945 at Amazon.com. "The battle of Waterloo is undoubtedly one of the most interesting events of modern times, but the Duke entertains no hopes of ever seeing an account of all its details which shall be true. He participated in the disastrous Walcheren expedition of 1809 and then served Wellington in the Peninsula from 1810 to 1812. PART I. Mitchell sought to capitalize on what he saw as the splendid qualities of the common British soldier. The archives of Clausewitz's German publisher, Dümmlers Verlag, were unfortunately destroyed during the Second World War. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945: Bassford, Christopher: Amazon.sg: Books and distinctive strategic vocabulary. Nonetheless, Clausewitz's name was in fact known to British military writers Wellington's memorandum appears (dated 24 September 1842) in Field Marshal Arthur Duke of Wellington, K.G., ed. Clausewitz's name does not appear at all, but a great many of his arguments do: "War ... is a political act, initiated and controlled by government.... All war is simple, but the simple is most difficult.... War is assuredly no mechanical art. Once again, the duke's interest was largely personal, excited by Ellesmere's observation that elements of the Russian plan of defense had been fashioned after Wellington's own defense of Torres Vedras. 14. 20. 8-11. Aside from its timing, there is no Jac Weller, Wellington at Waterloo (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1967), 71, n.1. In 1835, a substantial review article entitled simply "On War" appeared on both sides of the Atlantic. These factors are predominant in the organizational aspects of his theories, which were as radical as—if ultimately more realistic than—his tactical concepts. The ideas of the Prussian military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz (1780-1831) underlie most modern military thought. 1780–1831, Prussian general, noted for his works on military... | Meaning, pronunciation, translations and examples 3. 45. (*17), Clausewitz's study pays more attention to the Prussian than to the British role in the campaign, not because of national prejudice but because he considered the Prussian forces to have taken a more active role. is, that there was none, is based on false expectations regarding the 21.E.g., letter, Michael Howard to Bassford, 6 February 1990. Liverpool told the duke about On War, which he called a "work of exceeding interest. The influence of Clausewitz's great rival Jomini K.A. 9. He endorsed the Prussian's emphasis on the power of moral factors in warfare but had great difficulty in distinguishing between the effects of "morale" and purely physical factors like firepower. North Ludlow Beamish, On the uses and application of cavalry in war (London: T. and W. Boone, 1855). there is no evidence for a sharpened interest in Clausewitz in particular Colonel Charles C. Chesney, R.E., discussed below. Clausewitz's experience and mode of thought described a system of absolute war that "was waged not to create a better peace but utterly to destroy the enemy." This contains what Peter Paret has described as a "free rendering" of Clausewitz's study of the campaign of 1813. The extent to which the Prussian military philosopher had actually shaped Mitchell's overall views is unknowable, of course. It is interesting to note the specific aspects of Clausewitz's discussion that drew our reviewer's attention. It is good to see a military writer allow that his theory is not infallible—that, far from being a universal law, it is merely a guide. The item Clausewitz in English : the reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945, Christopher Bassford represents a specific, individual, material embodiment of a distinct intellectual or artistic creation found in Brigham Young University. Mitchell embarked on his public quest for reform around 1830, and his views seem to have been fully formed by 1838. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945 by Bassford, Christopher and a great selection of related books, art and collectibles available now at AbeBooks.com. Chesney, Waterloo Lectures, 190. This is somewhat unfair to Mitchell, because his book is, after all, about tactics. He apologized for even touching on the subject of politics in a military work but justified his temerity in this regard by his own scrupulously evenhanded contempt for both Whigs and Tories.(*12). Alison, in his massive History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution in 1789 to the Battle of Waterloo in 1815 (London, 1843-44), also briefly discussed Clausewitz; he received about the same billing as Jomini. Unsigned review of Clausewitz, "On War," Metropolitan Magazine (London), v.13 (May and June 1835), 64-71, 166-176; Military and Naval Magazine of the United States, vols.V and VI (August and September issues, 1835), 426-436, 50-63. Chesney's work clearly preceded the Franco-Prussian War and was evidently based on research and teaching that predated Prussia's startling military emergence in the Seven Weeks' War of 1866. "(*23), Surely the details of the battle might have been left in the original official reports. He felt that alternative dispositions (which he remarks that Clausewitz was "too wise" to describe in any detail) would have uncovered the Netherlands and his communications with England without, in fact, making such a decisive battle any more likely. 26. If victory is instead dependent on general causes, then such decentralization is less important. (Paris: L. Baudoin, 1886-1887). These works were by no means devoid of their … Promotion by purchase was not ended until 1871. The writer went on to recommend the work's translation and use in the military college at Sandhurst. Grasping the changing ways in which Clausewitz's ideas have … actual teachings. He is sensible of and can contemplate the effect of the moral impression upon the other armies of Europe, and upon the governments in whose service they were, resulting from the defeat or even want of success of the Allied armies under the command of the Duke of Wellington and Prince Blücher. His military interests may in fact be more a reflection of this relationship than of his own inclinations. Speaking before the Royal United Service Institution in 1871, he discussed Bismarck's strategy, the training of the Prussian general staff, and Clausewitz's theories linking war and policy. Broadly speaking, it is a war between the … It touched on quite a few of the many facets of his work and attempted to grapple with several of the subtle questions that Clausewitz raises. 1. Here, Wellington seems to have misconstrued Clausewitz's description of Napoleon's intention as the Prussian theorist's own desire. Edward Bruce Hamley (1824-93), Operations of War. Jay Luvaas, Education of an Army, 18, quoting a British officer in the same period, citing "The Regeneration of the Army," United Service Magazine, 1849, no.1. There were some signs of a mutual interest between Clausewitz and Great Britain even during his lifetime. "(*22), Wellington's discussion of Clausewitz's Waterloo study was elaborate, which is especially interesting because his policy was normally to ignore critics. true. Buy Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945 by Bassford, Christopher online on Amazon.ae at best prices. Paret—despite … [The Clausewitz Homepage has placed this memorandum on-line at http://www.clausewitz.com/readings/1815/six.htm.]. (*21) One modern British historian who is aware of it nonetheless dismissed it, noting in his bibliography that "Germans who have written about the campaign are too much interested in pleading their own causes. His treatment became, in fact, quite theoretical. (*31), None of Clausewitz's campaign studies was published in French before Jean Colin's translation of The Campaign of 1796 in Italy appeared in 1899. Clausewitz temporarily entered the British mainstream after the Boer War, a period of major military reform, but lost popularity during the interwar era of retrenchment. See also G.R. ", This was the only explicit reference to Clausewitz in Mitchell's Thoughts on Tactics, although he shortly thereafter discussed war as a duel and the question as to whether generals are born or made. Christopher Bassford, Professor of National Security Affairs and Director of Studies in the Theory and Nature of War Christopher Bassford. Unsigned, "De La Barre Duparcq's Commentaries on Clausewitz," review in the United Service Magazine, part 1, 1854, 26-36. 10 (London: John Murray, 1863), 513-531. "In spite of these defects," his book On War had gone on to become "the military bible of Europe." In these aims he was certainly both visionary and prophetic. Clausewitz in English to 1873: Oxford University Press, 1994 . Thus we can see that there was some interest in Clausewitz in a significant place (the Staff College) even before Prussia/Germany's rise to military preeminence and before Vom Kriege was translated into English in 1873. In every other respect he was intensely conscious of moral and psychological factors. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945: Bassford, Christopher: Amazon.sg: Books Clausewitz is recognized today as one of the pillars of strategic thought. (*26) Wellington himself credited the German writer with many insights, saying, for instance, that his account of events on 17 June 1815 were "as nearly as possible, an accurate representation of what passed." J.J. Graham, On War (London: N. Trübner and Company, 1873). This does not necessarily invalidate Clausewitz's criticisms, of course, many of which have since been accepted even by British writers. (*30), Another of Clausewitz's historical studies formed the main basis for an 1852 article by C.E. He accepted his comments on the unwisdom of moderation in war arising from feelings of humanity, although he understood this simply as being, in the long run, the more humanitarian approach; he did not discuss Clausewitz's deeper understanding of the role of violence in war. It will be of interest to a wide range of military and intellectual historians. (*35) The reader must labor under the triple handicap of reading a British writer's review of a French commentary on a French translation of a work that is not entirely clear in the original German. (*14) He was a friend and admirer of the duke. [his son] the Duke of Wellington, K.G., "Memorandum on the Battle of Waterloo," Supplementary Despatches, Correspondence, and Memoranda of Field Marshal Arthur Duke of Wellington, vol. Although complimentary in many respects, Clausewitz was critical of Wellington's passivity, his dispositions, and the dispersion of his forces (particularly the detachment of some eighteen thousand troops to cover other possible French approaches via Hal and Tubize; these men were effectively eliminated from the Anglo-Dutch order of battle at Waterloo). (*16) Liverpool offered some defense of the theoretical aspects of On War, but made no headway. Vom Kriege is a book on war and military strategy by Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz, written mostly after the Napoleonic wars, between 1816 and 1830, and published posthumously by his wife Marie von Brühl in 1832. Gleig, The Life of Arthur Duke of Wellington (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1865), 382; E.L.S. 10. US • UK • France • Germany, The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America. In this approach he reflects a pattern visible in almost all British military writers. Karl von ( karl fɔn ). This review certainly did not paint Clausewitz as a bloodthirsty ogre or as a mere proponent of mass and the offensive, views that became widespread after World War One. Quarterly Review, v.XC, no.CLXXIX, December 1851, 1-34. 40. Clausewitz, Der Feldzug von 1812 in Rußland (Berlin: Ferdinand Dümmlers Verlag, 1835); Clausewitz, Campaign of 1812 in Russia (1843). Indeed, one could read a Clausewitzian influence into many sections of this book, but this is the only place where firm connections can be demonstrated. C.E. Go to Clausewitz in English Table of Contents, Visit the In general, the duke was unhappy with all unofficial accounts of the campaign and discouraged all attempts to write them, being convinced that a satisfactory account was impossible. Letter, Egerton to John Murray, 11 November 1840, archives, John Murray publishing company. expression of a long-standing interest in his thought. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945. 36. As Strachan himself (somewhat inconsistently) goes Strachan's comment could more accurately in British military thought. Ellesmere served as Wellington's mouthpiece in several disputes over military policy and history. (German ˈklauzəvɪts) noun. interest in the Prussian theorist. Buy Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain and America, 1815-1945 1st Edition by Bassfors, Christopher (ISBN: 9780195083835) from Amazon's Book Store. This is an important point to keep in mind when considering Wellington's response. Karl von Clausewitz, trans. It was suggested by a contemporary that the anonymous reviewer might have been Major North Ludlow Beamish (1797-1872), the historian of the King's German Legion. Schimmer, trans. He opened with a chapter entitled "Causes of the Slow Progress of Military Science," which noted that although England might at any moment be called upon to wage war in any quarter of the globe, there was not "a single work on military science" in the English language. (*19) After reading it, the duke responded in a memorandum that was drafted in part by Egerton and was evidently well known in nineteenth-century Britain. He also took pains to show that he had always given proper credit to the Prussians for their role in the campaign. be applied to the United States, but even then it would not be entirely John Keegan, The Face of Battle (New York: Viking, 1976), makes no reference. Clausewitz Bookstore! Egerton, Personal Reminiscences, 58. He presents himself as a man of some military experience. Clausewitz in English: The Reception of Clausewitz in Britain & America, 1815-1945: Bassford, Christopher: Amazon.nl He denied Clausewitz's view of the use of forests in the defense, based on American Civil War experience. His writing first appeared in English in 1815, in The Life and Campaigns of Field-Marshal Prince Blücher. He is sensible of the advantage derived by the enemy from such impressions. The posthumous publication of Clausewitz's Vom Kriege did, however, receive some early notice in the English-speaking world. See Strachan, Waterloo to Balaclava, 8-11. All this is not to say that the British before 1873 (or after, for that Egerton then ordered a copy of Clausewitz's collected works. 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